Контуры миграционного кризиса 2020-2022 гг. в России

Миграционная ситуация в России в период пандемии COVID-19 имеет целый ряд признаков кризиса. Этот процесс, как правило, связан с притоком больших масс мигрантов на ограниченную территорию в течение непродолжительного периода времени. В России кризисные явления в миграционной сфере на протяжении 2020 – начала 2022 г. были вызваны закрытием границ и сложным социально-экономическим положением, в котором оказались трудовые мигранты из азиатских стран СНГ. Однако предпосылки этого формировались на протяжении как минимум второй половины 2010-х гг. Во многом они были связаны с заметным увеличением объема и изменением этнической структуры миграционных потоков в пользу выходцев из стран Средней Азии. Одновременно происходило снижение численности трудовых мигрантов из Украины и Молдавии. Черты миграционного кризиса носили преимущественно локальный характер и рельефнее всего проявлялись в наиболее привлекательных для мигрантов регионах – Москве, Санкт-Петербурге и прилегающих к ним областях. Его проявлениями стали массовые акции протеста, беспорядки и конфликты с участием мигрантов, а также заметное обострение их отношений с работодателями, властями и местным населением.Alternate :The migration situation in Russia during the COVID-19 pandemic has a number of signs of a migration crisis. The understanding of this phenomenon, which has developed under the influence of the migration crisis of 2014–2015 in the EU countries, is usually associated with the influx of large masses of migrants to a limited territory for a short period of time. In Russia, the crisis phenomena in the migration sphere during 2020 – early 2022 were caused by the closure of borders and the difficult socio-economic situation in which labor migrants from Asian CIS countries who were in the Russian Federation found themselves. However, the prerequisites for this crisis were formed during at least the second half of the 2010s. In many ways, they were associated with a noticeable increase in the volume and change in the ethnic structure of migration flows in favor of immigrants from Central Asian countries. At the same time, there was a decrease in the number of labor migrants from the European CIS countries – Ukraine and Moldova, who received the opportunity to work legally in the EU countries after signing Euroassociation agreements in the mid-2010s. Due to the vast territory of Russia and the unevenness of its economic development, the features of the migration crisis were mainly local in nature and were most clearly manifested in the most attractive regions for migrants – Moscow, St. Petersburg and adjacent areas. Its manifestations were mass protests, riots and conflicts involving migrants, as well as a noticeable aggravation of their relations with employers, authorities and the local population.

Introduction: A Call to Engage with Denial

Cruz was appointed as head of the General Directorate of Public Health in 1903, at a time when yellow fever had killed a thousand people in the city of Rio de Janeiro alone the previous year. The newspaper printed a portrait of a man suffering from a grisly tumor in late October 1904 and claimed that vaccines caused his ailment.8 The newspaper explained that vaccines were the, "monster that pollutes the pure and innocent blood of our children with the vile excretions expelled from sick animals, of a nature that contaminates the system of any living being. "9 This newspaper article argued that it was providing the public with the "information" it needed to evaluate the government's mandates.10 It is an example of coordinated efforts to spread mis/disinformation by the press as part of the effort to create a public campaign against Alves' public health policy. Uprisings, which were also taking place in the industrial workers' neighborhoods and the Afro-Brazilian districts with fierce hand-to-hand combat, were eventually put down and citizens were pressured to retreat by the army advancing by land and the threat of bombardment by the navy docked just offshore.11 The state used repressive measures (imprisonment, beatings, interrogation, and internal exile) and put the instigators, including Senator Lauro Sodré and military officers, on trial following the uprising.12 The government declared a "state of siege" and the uprising was controlled in three days.13 However, although the government had survived the assault, the Alves administration was forced to abandon its vaccine mandate and smallpox continued to plague the country for several more years, slowing plans to modernize.

Pandemic, protest, and unrest: Lessons learned from a new chief's first 100 days

The police leader's first 100 days present a mix of unique challenges even at the best of times. What kind of challenges do new chiefs face when, during their first 100 days, a global pandemic is declared and nationwide protests and riots against police are sparked in a country under social distancing restrictions? This article discusses the first 100 days' experience of a newly appointed police chief attempting to navigate through this, already overwhelming, transition into his new role. The article identifies five "first 100-day" domains that confronted police leaders with unprecedented challenges and required unprecedented actions. A re-evaluation of these five key areas would help police chiefs improve their capabilities and ability to effectively respond to current challenges as well as to unforeseen future events. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved)

"Well, did you enjoy molesting your home town?”: a quantitative analysis of the relational awareness in mayors' public responses to the COVID-19 anti-curfew riots in the Netherlands

When several local mayors fiercely denunciated the violent riots that erupted after a curfew was imposed as a COVID-19 mitigant in the Netherlands, journalistic and academics critics soon warned that such responses often unjustly and counter-effectively depoliticize and delegitimize public protest. The commentators joined a choir of scholars who postulate that public authorities readily distance themselves from troublemakers, let alone acknowledge their grievances. However, our content analysis of mayors' public responses to the Dutch 2021 anti-curfew riots in 719 newspaper articles finds that office holders portray considerable relational awareness. We find that mayors communicate a complex leadership style that crucially combines strict law enforcement with interpersonal empathy. © Niels Karsten, Sara Stronks & Simone van de Wetering.

THE IMPACT OF THE RIOTS AND LOOTING ON THE SOUTH AFRICAN ECONOMY AND SMALL BUSINESS OWNERS

Following the incarceration of former president Jacob Zuma, his supporters were angered, which resulted in riots and looting in the KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) and Gauteng provinces. With South Africa already reeling from the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, the unexpected unrest caused further devastation to the country. This paper aimed to encourage and assist fellow South Africans in understanding the devastation and lasting effects caused by the unrest. Therefore, the engagement in civil unrest in such magnitudes can be avoided for the country's wellbeing. In light of this paper's purpose, this study collected data through the means of desktop research. This meant extracting information from journals, news reports, internet sources and scholarly publications. Based on the literature collected and analysed, it was deduced the riots and looting in July 2021 have negatively affected the South African economy and businesses, in particular small businesses. Some of the main factors depicting this impact include the following insights. An estimated 150 000 jobs were at risk within the KZN region alone. In terms of small businesses, they accounted for 89% of businesses impacted in the two provinces in which the unrest took place. More so, all together, small firms on a monthly basis stood to lose an amount of R3.4 billion in the attempt to resume business operations. This led to many small businesses facing closure. Regarding the economy, the unrest caused the rand to depreciate by 2.4%, which has adverse short and long term effects on the South African economy. These findings are critical as they provide insight into South Africa's current circumstances and what could be expected in the years to come. The main recommendation made in this paper advocated that small businesses adopt a mindset of anticipation and containment. A mindset of anticipation requires constant identification of all potential emergencies and problems, while a mindset of containment entails the embracement of adaptability and flexibility when responding to a crisis. Therefore, the adoption of an anticipation and containment mindset aids in the development of capabilities to deal with loss and commitment to resilience.

"En, goed gevoel dat je je stad naar de vernieling hebt geholpen?” Een kwantitatieve analyse van het relationeel besef van burgemeesters in hun publieke reacties op de avondklokrellen

"Well, did you enjoy molesting your home town?”: a quantitative analysis of the relational awareness in mayors' public responses to the COVID-19 anti-curfew riots in the NetherlandsWhen several local mayors fiercely denunciated the violent riots that erupted after a curfew was imposed as a COVID-19 mitigant in the Netherlands, journalistic and academics critics soon warned that such responses often unjustly and counter-effectively depoliticize and delegitimize public protest. The commentators joined a choir of scholars who postulate that public authorities readily distance themselves from troublemakers, let alone acknowledge their grievances. However, our content analysis of mayors' public responses to the Dutch 2021 anti-curfew riots in 719 newspaper articles finds that office holders portray considerable relational awareness. We find that mayors communicate a complex leadership style that crucially combines strict law enforcement with interpersonal empathy.

Food riots redux: lessons from the 2007–08 food crisis

The 2007–08 global food crisis led to hunger riots around the world. Food prices have again risen spectacularly since the COVID-19 pandemic but have fortunately not led to major social unrest in the global South. In this research note, we argue that the difference lies, in part, in the nature of the two price shocks and, in part, in the policy response from governments and international organizations. This time round, the stability of rice prices appears to have dampened the impact of food inflation in major rice-importing countries. This pattern of global rice price is in sharp contrast to that seen in 2008 when the price tripled between January and May. The two food crises also differ substantially in the extent and responsiveness of public policy. Right from March 2020, governments began taking fiscal and administrative measures to help the populations suffering from the loss of livelihood. Nonetheless, food inflation remains a concern, and prolonged conflict in Ukraine and the ongoing inflation spiral could put in jeopardy the mitigating effects of anti-inflationary policy measures. © 2023 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.

COVID-19 fatalities and internal conflict: Does government economic support matter?

This study examines the association between COVID-19 mortality rates and internal conflict and investigates the possible moderating role of government economic support during the pandemic years of 2020 and 2021. Our main hypothesis suggests that countries with lower levels of government economic support are more likely to experience a positive correlation between higher COVID-19 mortality rates and the emergence of internal conflict. Using cross-country data from over 100 countries and controlling for various factors that may influence internal conflict, our analysis provides some support for this hypothesis. The results suggest a possible moderating role for government economic support, with the evidence indicating a weakening or elimination of the association between COVID-19 mortality rates and internal conflict when government economic support is adequate. However, the moderating effect of government economic support is not always significant, and caution is needed when interpreting the results. Our analysis also highlights the potential risks associated with low levels of government economic support during the pandemic. Specifically, we find that in countries where the government's macro-financial package in response to the pandemic is less than approximately 25% of GDP, there is a possible risk of growth in civil disorder resulting from increased COVID-19 deaths per million.

Социальное самочувствие и протестные настроения казахстанцев в преддверии январских выступлений 2022 года

В январе 2022 г. в Казахстане произошли массовые выступления, которые охватили почти все областные центры и города республиканского значения. Была ли возможность на основе социологических данных спрогнозировать январские события? В поисках ответа на этот вопрос авторы статьи анализируют социальное самочувствие и протестные настроения казахстанцев накануне январских выступлений 2022 г. Особое внимание уделено оценке уровня социального недовольства на местах, его вероятным причинам и проявлениям в конвенциональных и неконвенциональных формах политического поведения. Источником эмпирических данных выступают онлайн-опрос казахстанцев (N = 1999) и фокус-групповые дискуссии, проведенные в 11-ти городах Казахстана в июле– сентябре 2021 г.Alternate :The appeal to the topic of social protest in this article was based on the real events that shook Kazakhstan in January 2022. Starting in 2020 a three-year research project to study the protest potential in Kazakhstan, we could not imagine that our work would be so relevant. Reflecting on the topic of the January events, many Kazakh experts pointed to the socio-economic factor as their forerunner. Is it so? Having access to long term series of sociological data and being able to conduct a comparative analysis of the ten-year data, we tried to illustrate how the social moods of Kazakhstanis changed, their readiness for active actions and motives to participate in mass protests. Analysis of the data showed that in 2021 there was a noticeable decline in positive assessments of the economic situation - in both the country and families. There were expectations of discontent manifestations: more than 40 of Kazakhstanis in 2021 spoke about the likelihood of protests both in the country and in their place of residence. Moreover, the older age groups expected protests of socio-economic nature, while the young - protests of political nature. We came to the conclusion that by 2022 there were obvious signs of increasing protest activity on the basis of socio-economic instability, which received an additional impetus during the period of coronavirus restrictions, in Kazakhstan. But they were not enough to activate the masses for the January 2022 riots.

The Adequacy of Nigeria, South Africa and Other Sub-Saharan Countries' Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic and Unemployment

The measures taken by the governments of the sub-Saharan states, especially in Nigeria and South Africa, in a bid to curb the spread of the dreaded corona virus (COVID-19) are discussed in this article. It is submitted that measures such as social distancing and lockdown of businesses exacerbated the existing problem of unemployment in sub-Saharan countries. Accordingly, this article analyzes the adequacy of the relevant laws and policies that were adopted by the governments of selected sub-Saharan African countries, namely, Nigeria and South Africa in a bid to stimulate the economy and to reduce unemployment in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. Nigeria and South Africa were selected because they are amongst the largest economies in sub-Saharan Africa. The authors argue that the governments of Nigeria and South Africa should adopt and enforce pragmatic policies that are backed by appropriate legislation to combat the huge unemployment rate which was worsened by the advent of COVID-19. The article highlights that the problem of unemployment in Nigeria and South Africa must be addressed through adequate review of the employment policies, finance policies, educational curriculum and other related policies. It further recommends the review of the empowerment and socio-economic policies of these countries in order to prevent restlessness, riots and poverty-related protests that are induced by massive unemployment of the youth, women and other marginalized persons in Nigeria and South Africa.

INTENTIONAL CHANGES, UNINTENDED ADVANTAGES: Adjusting Research Approaches During the Pandemic

Bronstein looks back at how the COVID-19 outbreak changed her plans for her dissertation proposal. In planning a study about the positioning of the US in world history instruction, she anticipated navigating national political tensions and divisiveness that could impact how her participants wanted to talk in or out of the classroom about the US as part of a global landscape. Quickly, it became apparent what she had not anticipated: The world and country were witnessing a pandemic, the likes of which had not been seen in a century. Schools in the state of her study and across the US closed. The teachers discussed in each interview how uncertain they were about their classes and their students' well-being. There was a sense that normalcy would return in the fall, but that future was too late for her timeline.

Conflicts increased in Africa shortly after COVID-19 lockdowns, but welfare assistance reduced fatalities.

Understanding how rises in local prices affect food-related conflicts is essential for crafting adequate social welfare responses, particularly in settings with an already high level of food vulnerability. We contribute to the literature by examining how rises in local food prices and the lockdowns implemented to contain the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic affected conflict. We analyze real-time conflict data for 24 African countries during 2015-2020, welfare responses to COVID-19, changes in local food prices, and georeferenced data on areas with cultivation, oil, mines, all associated with differentiated risk of conflict. We find that the probability of experiencing food-related conflicts, food looting, riots, and violence against civilians increased shortly after the first strict lockdowns of 2020. Increases in local prices led to increases in violence against civilians. However, countries that timely provided more welfare assistance saw a reduction in the probability of experiencing these conflicts and in the number of associated fatalities. Our results suggest that providing urgent aid and assistance to those who need it can help reduce violence and save lives.

Dissenting Bodies, Disruptive Pandemic: Farmers' Protest and Women's Participation in Mass Mobilisation in India

While authoritarian states promoting neoliberal forms of governance have taken advantage of COVID-19 to weaken the foundations of civil society, there has also been a significant rise in contemporary struggles for a more democratic society during and around the pandemic. From December 2019 to November 2021, India has seen a significant number of protests. The timeline of collective resistance against the state and its divisive, violent and neoliberal agenda represents a critical juncture in Indian politics. This paper focuses on the farmers' protests that started from last November and recently ended in a stunning, hard-earned victory. In a sector that is overwhelmingly male-dominated and deeply patriarchal, women farmers have come out on the streets protesting the controversial Farm Laws hastily passed by the Indian government in September 2019 that threatened to corporatize farming and increase exploitation and marginalisation of small farmers. What is most interesting about the farmers' protests is large-scale participation of women across caste, class, occupational, and religious divide which has changed the composition and dynamics of collective resistance and demonstrate how organised and collective resistance can become symbols of solidarity and intersectional dissent. The paper will examine the role of gender and female agency in protests by female occupying bodies in physical spaces particularly when under the pretext of COVID -19 crisis management the state has severely pushed back against citizens right to dissent and fight for justice. The farmer's protest has brought to the fore women's role in mass mobilisations. Women's participation in the protest has tremendous significance for women's movement for justice, equality and rights and can pose a real challenge to the return of the 'Strong State'.

Nation and the Narratives of Violence: Violent Embeddings of Nationalism

Post colonialism is not restricted to the aftermath of colonialism. Before entering into post colonialism and neo- colonialism there is an imagined space that negotiates identities, worlds and languages. Covid 19 may have given us an opportunity to connect to the world from every nook and corner but connecting is far from gaining an identity and space. The issues of space and identity are secondary. It is rather more important to be able to connect with one's own culture and diversity. This does not resolve the negotiations that the regional writers and languages have to go through. There are translated memories and experiences and generations that bear the brunt of the violence that took place years ago. The answer to that violence is not non-violence. The existence of the third space or world is not enough anymore. To begin with, the writers in the North- East region (North East India) have to justify the use of English in writing. The dilemma faced by these writers over the use of the language is equally and sometimes more important than the content. For them the content is as important as the language. They are not only using language as a tool to resist but also as a tool to gain access to the world outside their immediate worlds. However, a lot is lost during this translation of experiences and words. It is this battle of crossing over that needs to be recognised first. Violence at the level of expression needs to be addressed before physical and psychological.

CHINESE RESTAURANTS: A HISTORY OF RESILIENCE

Chin asserts that before the COVID-19 pandemic, over 40,000 Chinese restaurants were operating across America. That's more than all the McDonalds, KFC's, Wendy's and Pizza Huts combined. Located in nearly every community and corner of the country, these ubiquitous establishments, big and small, are as American as apple pie, and, of course, more delicious. The $15 billion Chinese restaurant industry, which includes many independently owned family businesses, was amongst the first to be hit, and hit hard, by the economic crisis wrought by the coronavirus. The first Chinese restaurant in America, the Canton Restaurant, opened in San Francisco in 1849. Thousands of Chinese men had left Southern China to mine for treasures on Gold Mountain. These bachelors needed a place to eat. By 1850, there were five such establishments. However, the growing wave of anti-Asian immigration policies, including the Chinese Exclusion Act, kept the community small and limited the number of Chinese restaurants to a dozen or so.

Social Discontent or Criminality? Navigating the Nexus Between Urban Riots and Criminal Activities in Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal Provinces, South Africa (2021)

Post-apartheid South Africa is characterized by the proliferation of public protests, which occur in various contexts. These include urban riots that are typically carried out by individuals who live in residential areas who are relatively politically, socially, and economically marginalized. In this perspective, the study seeks to navigate the nexus between urban riots and criminal activities in Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal provinces of South Africa. This will be performed by looking at the recent urban violence that erupted in Johannesburg and Durban cities of South Africa following the arrest of the former president of South Africa Jacob Zuma on 7 July for contempt of court. As a result of the incarceration of Zuma, his supporters took to the streets to demand for his release, ending in protests which quickly evolved into widespread lootings, vandalism, and an outbreak of violence that denoted elements of criminality. The two provinces, Gauteng (the country's economic hub) and KwaZulu-Natal (on the east coast), bore the brunt of this violence. What began as a call for the release of Jacob Zuma transpired into something that was heavily coordinated, controlled and, to a larger extent, dangerous, and perhaps the worst post-apartheid urban riot. However, behind these riots, there are seeds of discontents that triggered these violent riots and these include: the frustrations of hungry and cold people whose prospects were already constrained by the coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, rising inequality between rich and poor, unemployment, intra-party tensions, and ANC-factionalism, including stereotypical Zulu nationalism and racial tensions in South Africa. On the other hand, the riots that occurred in both KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng were accompanied by criminality such as looting, torching, and burning of private and public properties and, to a larger degree, murder of civilians. Findings are that the urban riots in both Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal provinces have resulted in human (in)securities such as exacerbation of poverty, food and fuel shortages, effects on the health sector (amid the COVID-19 crisis), loss of lives, and increase in unemployment. Methodologically, the study relies on a mixed method of research and content analysis. Copyright © 2022 Mongale.

Resisting Lockdown: The Influence of COVID-19 Restrictions on Social Unrest

Responding to the COVID-19 pandemic has created unprecedented social and political challenges. Mitigation strategies often disrupt the daily lives of citizens and constrain rights and privileges. Policies intended to contain disease spread have provoked resentment, resistance, and backlash. We examine the extent to which specific COVID-19 policy responses influence the frequency of civil unrest. Combining insights from both grievance and opportunity models of dissent, we contend that pandemic-response policies are most likely to lead to unrest when the grievances and opportunities created by disease-mitigation strategies reinforce each other. We test our arguments with nuanced information on specific pandemic-mitigation policies, combined with geolocated events data on COVID-19-related social unrest activities. We find that policies such as workplace and school closures, which induce intense grievances and reduce the opportunity cost of engaging in collective mobilization, are associated with increases in dissent activities. Policies that restrict opportunities for mobilization, such as restrictions on public transportation, reduce the number of dissent activities. Notably, economic support policies attenuate the effects of workplace closures on dissent. Our results illustrate the varying effects of pandemic-mitigation policies on unrest depending on how the grievances they inspire relate to the opportunity they create.

GENDER PERSPECTIVES OF MEASURES TO IMPROVE WATER AND SANITATION DELIVERY IN SOUTH AFRICAN LOCAL MUNICIPALITIES

This study investigated measures to improve water and sanitation delivery in South African local municipalities. The qualitative research approach and exploratory research design were selected for this study. Thirty (30) participants were selected to participate in this study through online and telephonic interviews due to COVID-19 pandemic. Atlas-ti software (version 8.2) was used to analyse data collected from the participants. Themes and categories emerged from the study and were discussed adequately by corroborating it with the literature review outcomes to find solutions to the study. Major findings disclosed that some local municipalities in the North West province do not provide adequate water and sanitation delivery to the residents due to issues related to budget implementation plans, limited supply of water resources, lack of personnel training, the poor state of infrastructure, poor implementation of legislative frameworks, financial management issues, inability to update service development plans, lack of skills, and strategic leadership issues. The study recommended that municipal employees should collaborate with residents, conduct awareness campaigns, promote emerging innovation options and communication dynamics, install leak monitoring and detection sensory machines, ensure effective infrastructural maintenance culture, apply service legislation and promote effective strategic/financial management in an endeavour to enhance water and sanitation delivery in the municipalities.

Hindsight Beyond 2020

The death of George Floyd in May 2020 seems like a lifetime ago, but since that's a moment we all remember so clearly because we felt it, let's use that as a road sign. See before that you had COVID. The pandemic showed up and whittled away at our general sense of safety. First, it was like a rumor. "The friend of a friend had a cousin who worked with someone who had it." Then it became like a forecast for a snowstorm. In Richmond VA, when it snows (or might snow), people go crazy, and they start buying things. BlackLiq has spent his whole life with no trust in the police. No faith in our government. Watching bullshit be addressed with bullshit, then justified with more bullshit. Not to mention the times we've all been pulled over or harassed by bullshit in uniforms.

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